One of the significant let-downs of modern Irish
Republicanism is the abject failure to create a modern day vision in the minds
of the Irish people, both Unionist and Nationalist, of what a contemporary
‘United Ireland’ would look like in social and economic terms. This applies to
both ‘mainstream’ and ‘dissident’ camps. Partition, with nearly a century of
entrenchment can be grasped in the hands and heard in the ears of Irish
citizens. It provides and guarantees the most basic necessities to most yet
fails to live up to the aspiration of many. Contrastingly, the New Republic outlined
in the proclamation meets the aspirational needs of an envisaged modern Ireland.
However, the ‘New Republic’ floats around in the minds of Irish Republicans
like a pipe dream. A pipe dream that is triggered by the words of Easter 1916 and
the stony inscriptions of the names of our dead. The Irish people has limited ability to grasp
the ‘New Republics’ glory. The Irish people can touch and feel the cold flesh of
partition. Irish Republicans must instil in the minds of the Irish people a warm
bodily vison of what the New Republic entails and the rights it would guarantee.
It must be clear and intelligible. By
doing so will only help garner support for Irish reunification. Without an
object to point to, the Irish people will cling to the status quo for limited
yet guaranteed comforts. To hearten this vison the concerns of the Irish people
in regards to the reunification process must be addressed. There are many
concerns regarding reunification. This piece will try and address a few.
Would the rights and liberties of Irish people be protected
in a new secular constitution, what new rights would be included if any? Or would
the six counties be simply married to the current 26 county constitution? A
move that would be no doubt be unacceptable to unionists. Would unionists have
a right to serve in the British army and retain joint citizenship? How much
influence would unionists have in the New Republic? If any. Ireland’s position as a member of the European
Union could be a topic of concern for the Irish people. Importantly how would a
32 county Ireland be policed and which model will the judiciary adopt. Uncertainly
and confusion over such crucial and fundamental issues only serves to feed the
creature we know as partition.
Other than major constitutional concerns, bread and butter
issues and the dynamics that drive them differ in both jurisdictions. For
example, what would the ‘New Republic’ mean to a cancer patient dependent on
the British model of the NHS to survive, would free at the point of delivery
healthcare be guaranteed to every Irish citizen? What would the ‘New Republic’
mean to someone who could not afford to pay for a doctor’s appointment or their
lengthy prescriptions? If the New Republic means world class healthcare free on
the point of delivery from Cork to Derry and Galway to Belfast then who
couldn't support such a measure? Of course some would rightfully ask how the ‘New
Republic’ be able to afford such measures. After all, there is some who get their
knickers in a twist at the thought of buying a bin token only to be reminded
that those who buy bin tokens do not pay rates.
What would the New Republic mean to job seekers North and
South? Would it mean less for those in the south or more for those in the
north? Currently, those in the southern counties who are out of work enjoy an arguably
more generous security than their northern counterparts. Albeit without the
comfort of the NHS. Would the separate and very different education models be
joined or would the task be so great that it would take generations to merge?
For those opposed to republican participation in the Stormont
Assembly at any level, the question to you is, how do you meet the contemporary
needs of people in the six counties? Again, your absence of alternatives only
feeds passive support for the status quo. This piece is not suggesting a ‘use
the system to break the system’ mentality. It is simply pointing out
uncomfortable realities. This piece suggests a community council model which actively
interacts with statutory bodies so for as principally possible to meet the
needs of concerns of local people. Moreover, it is increasing likely that a functioning
Stormont will be part and parcel as an all-Ireland arrangement. Gerry Adams has
recently made suggestive remarks towards this. Should we not be ready?
The Eire Nua document provides a federal solution opposed to
current unitary approach adopted by both the British the Irish jurisdictions.
Eire Nua is not owned by one party. Eire
Nua creates four states united under a new Irish constitution with regional
parliaments in Ulster, Leinster, Munster and Connaught. Eire Nua decentralises, many of the functions
and powers of government to a grassroots level. Therefore, providing democracy
with a capital D in its purest form with citizen participation at its core. Moreover, Stormont will continue to function within
this arrangement albeit in an all-Ireland context. It will allow change to
happen slowly in a rational and reasonable fashion with unionist inclusion at
its centre. Under Eire Nua republican victory parades will be unlikely.
Recently, as referred to earlier those who decades ago dramatically abandoned
Eire Nua in favour of engaging unionism head on in a conflict have hinted on a
return to its main concepts. However, it
is important to note that Eire Nua is a system of government. Not the strategic
mechanism of achieving it.
That said, the alphabetic and numerical soup of the
republican world is deeply embarrassing and a fitting tribute to the
imperialist trait of divide and conquer. None of the current political republican
groups has the capacity to achieve the republican objective alone. Any idea to
the contrary is fanciful. There is a massive section of Irish republicanism that
has walked away from the struggle due to this reality. Genuine attempts at
republican unity are often scuppered by petty infighting and ego mania.
Republican unity will not be an overnight reality. It will take time. A working
relationship needs to be established as framework. The Irish people cannot and
will not entrust a body of groups that can’t even unite themselves in common
ground to unite their country. Why would
they? Moreover, the habitual and somewhat systematic direction of all energies
towards the wrong doings of Provisional Sinn Fein or ‘Shinner Bashing’ is not
within the attention span of the Irish people who thrive on the need for
change.
In conclusion, for as long as the political, social and economic
concerns listed above are not addressed the core republican objective will
remain a pipe dream. Republicans must plant the victory seed that flourishes in
the minds of the Irish people in a coherent fashion. The ‘New Republic’ must be
visible and its warmth within touching distance. Doubts and concerns must be
addressed in rational and meaningful fashion which are relatable to a
contemporary Ireland. Uncertainty and confusion is what cements the Irish
people to the burden of the unnatural partition of this island.
We watch on in hope!